As I have noted earlier, much of the push-back against student debt relief comes from people who see it as a challenge to their elite status.
One of the things that I missed, and that Lindsay Owens and David Dayen noticed in all of this is that much of the opposition from nominally Democratic economic figures is a hangover from the Obama Administrations fixation on the sanctity of debt, even when that debt was the product of fraud or other dishonest practices.
This is what got ten million of people foreclosed on, and damaged the Democratic Party for at least a generation.
They did so because they saw the debt as a failing of the debtors, rather than a problem created by an unjust society and dishonest actors in that society:
President Biden’s long-awaited decision to wipe out up
to $20,000 in student debt was met with joy and relief by millions of
borrowers, and a temper tantrum from centrist economists.
Moments after the announcement, former Council of Economic Advisers Chair Jason Furman took to Twitter
with a dozen tweets skewering the proposal as “reckless,” “pouring …
gasoline on the inflationary fire,” and an example of executive branch
overreach (“Even if technically legal I don’t like this amount of unilateral Presidential power.”). Brookings economist Melissa Kearny called
the proposal “astonishingly bad policy” and puzzled over whether
economists inside the administration were “all hanging their heads in
defeat.” Ben Ritz, the head of a centrist think tank, went so far as to call for the staff who worked on the proposal to be fired after the midterms.
Histrionics are nothing new on Twitter, but it’s worth examining why
this proposal has evoked such strong reactions. Elizabeth Popp Berman has argued in the Prospect
that student loan forgiveness is a threat to the economic style of
reasoning that dominates Washington policy circles. That’s correct. But
President Biden’s elegant and forceful approach to tackling the student
loan crisis also may feel like a personal rebuke to those who once
worked alongside President Obama as he utterly failed to solve the debt
crisis he inherited.
………
Summers and Treasury economists expressed more concern for
financially fragile banks than homeowners facing foreclosure, while also
openly worrying that some borrowers would “take advantage” of cramdown
to get undeserved relief. This is also a preoccupation of economist
anger at student debt relief: that it’s inefficient and untargeted and
will go to the “wrong” people who don’t need it. (It won’t.)
For mortgage modification, President Obama’s Federal Housing Finance Agency repeatedly refused
to use its administrative authority to write down the principal of
loans in its portfolio at mortgage giants Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac—the
simplest and fastest tool at its disposal. Despite a 2013 Congressional Budget Office study
that showed how modest principal reduction could help 1.2 million
homeowners, prevent tens of thousands of defaults, and save Fannie and
Freddie billions, FHFA repeatedly refused to move forward with principal
reduction, citing their own efforts to study whether the policy would incentivize strategic default (the idea that financially solvent homeowners would default on their loans to try and access cheaper ones).
Virtually everyone involved with the housing system was stunned that
the options of cramdown and principal reduction weren’t taken. Banks
literally held meetings in expectation of Obama’s team requiring writedowns, until they didn’t.
Instead, the Obama administration rolled out the industry-backed Home
Affordable Modification Program (HAMP), relying on the voluntary
cooperation of servicers to modify mortgages. The program was, even by
the administration’s own modest objectives, a failure,
ultimately reaching less than a quarter of the three to four million
homeowners it hoped to target. In the critical first two years, the
administration did not even spend 3 percent of what they were allotted to save homeowners.
………
But it was much worse than that. The mortgage servicers used HAMP like a predatory lending program,
squeezing homeowners for as many payments as possible before canceling
their modifications and kicking them out of their homes. These companies
had financial incentives to foreclose rather than modify loans. In one particularly excruciating example, the servicer arm of Bank of America offered its employees Target gift cards as a bonus for placing borrowers into foreclosure.
This was also by design, or at least benign neglect. Then–Treasury
Secretary Timothy Geithner candidly told officials that the program was
intended to help banks, not borrowers. The purpose was to “foam the runway”
for the banks, Geithner said, with homeowners and their families being
the foam crushed by a jumbo jet in that scenario. If the goal was just
to let the banks use HAMP for their own benefit, it’s not surprising
that would come at homeowners’ expense.
………President Biden’s approach has been markedly different and, if well implemented,
is poised to be extremely effective. The simplicity of the program
design, with its straightforward cancellation thresholds
($10,000/$20,000) and eligibility criteria (Pell status and household
income), means the policy should deliver nearly 90 percent of its relief
dollars to those making less than $75,000 a year. Will some small
amount of relief dollars land in the bank accounts of borrowers who will
make higher incomes in the future? Absolutely. Is preventing that
outcome more important than delivering relief to 43 million borrowers?
Of course not.
It’s not just the policy design that is a rebuke to the old guard’s
theory of debt relief; it’s also the rhetoric. Notably, in his 20-minute
speech announcing the rollout of the student loan relief program,
President Biden didn’t mention “bad debtors” once. He didn’t spend a
single breath on the individual failings of borrowers, make any
reference to their poor decision-making, or nod to a handful of
unscrupulous debtors trying to game the system.
………Biden has flipped the Beltway consensus on policy design around debt
forgiveness and modeled a path for viewing student debt as a national
crisis, rather than an individual failing. It’s a stunning reversal of
the Obama-era consensus and one that casts that failed legacy of
mortgage debt relief in an even darker light. Biden has shown us there
was an easier, softer way all along.
The Obama Administration was fixated on preventing the "Wrong Sort" of people from getting relief even if this crippled the economy and even if the percentage of people getting undeserved relief was vanishingly small.
This is a punitive and small minded approach to the public wheal, so taking the old adage that, "A fish rots from the head," the sociopathic group think that dominated their thinking probably came from the sociopath-in-chief.